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POLITICAL REPORT FROM THE MOST RECENT CONGRESS OF THE PCR-RCP:

To dispel the fog maintained by the opportunists

In order to allow concerned activists and organizations to better understand the nature of the divergences that have resulted in a split within the PCR-RCP Canada over the past few months, the Political Information Bureau has decided to make public the Political Report that was submitted last fall at the most recent Party Congress. The publication of this report follows the issuance of a new document from the Québec District of the PCR-RCP (available here) that offers a more comprehensive overview of this line struggle, which has not failed to attract the attention of the enemies of the revolution while arousing anxiety among the partisans of the cause of communism.

Written by two Québec members of the outgoing Central Committee (who have since been allegedly “expelled” from the Party along with Montréal and Salaberry-de-Valleyfield according to a pompous communiqué issued by the clique of right opportunists who falsely claim to be the “legitimate leadership” of the Party), the report resulted in the adoption of a series of proposals, the essence of which is to be found in the sentences or paragraphs appearing in bold type.

Although deliberations surrounding the holding of PCR-RCP congresses are not intended to be made public, the right-opportunist clique’s decision to reveal a series of internal events on its WordPress site in a way forces the defenders of the Party programme and of its historic continuity to make a number of clarifications to restore the truth and allow Party supporters to seize the debate. In this regard, the events surrounding the adoption and the presentation of this report speak volumes about the objective pursued by this clique in the context of the preparation of the Party Congress, namely: to mobilize and constitute the largest possible group in opposition to the Party’s “historic leadership” (assimilated by the opportunists to the Montréal cell) and the strategic concepts around which the PCR-RCP was created.

As mentioned above, the political report was initially drafted by two Québec members of the Party leadership under a mandate from the Central Committee. The draft report was forwarded as planned to CC members three and a half months before the congress, including a first draft in English to facilitate the discussion. However, the CC meeting that was to take place was postponed for one month. When it became finally possible to hold it, it appeared that the other members of the CC had neglected to take note of the report, with one notable exception. It seems these people had other concerns that were more important for them, probably related to the cabal they were leading among the networks they were in control of, a cabal aiming to have the congress mark a break with the historic leadership and the group that embodied and still embodies the basic foundations of the Party.

At that meeting, the only other member of the CC who had condescended to access and read the report (but who had kept it for himself) expressed some reservations about the proposed orientations, particularly those that reaffirmed or were based on decisions taken by previous congresses or contained in the Party general plan. But since the meeting was tasked to publish the first issue of a pre-congress discussion bulletin for the entire Party membership, the CC agreed to include the first part of the report (up to paragraph 48), even though some considered it “unsatisfactory.”

In principle, the second part of the report was supposed to be re-discussed one month later in another CC meeting. However, it appears that no other meeting of the CC could have taken place before the congress, because of the lack of availability of the members of the opportunist clique, who preferred to prepare “their” congress secretly, while the Québec and Montréal comrades were submitting open and various written contributions to the debates that were supposed to take place—whether it be on the assessment of the Party’s activity, of what we call our “small movements” (RWM, RSM, PFF…) or on our understanding of proletarian feminism.

At that time—a month and a half before the congress was to be held—the members of the clique finally agreed that the second part of the report be included in the second issue of the pre-conference discussion bulletin that was to be rapidly circulated to the entire membership. This issue was indeed published and included several contributions from the Montréal cell or some of its members; considerable efforts were made to ensure that at least some of these contributions were translated and made available in English. But the “leaders” of the clique deliberately neglected to decentralize this second issue to the cells under their leadership in English Canada. These opportunists kept the document in their hands for a whole month and waited only four days before the congress to begin its distribution. Many cell secretaries only got it 48 or even 24 hours beforehand… some comrades were not even given their copy until they arrived on the congress floor! The bulletin was then accompanied by another document of their own, entitled Break With Old Ideas, which gave the signal expected by their supporters to launch their “final offensive” against the Montréal cell and the historic leadership of the Party. (It should be added that this new text, as well as a completely new version of the Party programme that the clique wanted to immediately adopt at the congress, were made available only in English and less than 24 hours before the opening of the congress—at best. That the opportunist clique is now indignant that a majority at the congress, including those whom it calls the “old-ideas clique,” decided to continue the internal debate before making a final decision on the fundamental programmatic issues raised by these documents speaks volumes about the nature of the operation it carried out.)

Ironically, this deliberate will to control the debate and to keep the membership under their leadership in ignorance of the positions upheld by the “historic leadership and the Montréal cell” highly contrasts with the explicit approach proposed in the political report: “It is with this goal of [properly assessing all the activity of the Party since the last congress] that the Central Committee submits to debate this political report. Comrades have a responsibility to read it that is to seize these documents and discuss them collectively in meetings organized for this purpose. It is the opinion of the CC that these documents and the results of all the preparatory discussions going toward the congress (from local cells to the CC) will allow to correctly identify the main strengths of our organization (this in turn will provide support for our future work), but also to identify our main weaknesses that we have to seriously seek to overcome.” Such would have obviously required that this report be decentralized…

Although it is certainly not a faultless document, the political report submitted to the most recent PCR-RCP congress remained firmly rooted in the Party’s strategic designs and its general plan. While outlining very frankly the difficulties encountered and the shortcomings of its practice and activity—in particular the general weakness of its political propaganda—the report proposed a number of measures that could move the Party toward its objectives and the implementation of its plan.

The proposals included in the report were adopted by the majority of the delegates, despite the reservations, and sometimes even the opposition, expressed by the most prominent members of the opportunist clique. The members of the outgoing leadership who are part of this clique did not speak in any way to advocate them; on the contrary, it was they who expressed the strongest reservations about the proposed orientations it contained.

Their opposition focused on the proposal that the Party “wage a broad national campaign under the theme ‘Let’s Fight for Socialism and Our Claims’ that will culminate [with] the centenary of the Winnipeg General Strike” in spring 2019. This proposal was echoing another proposal adopted at a previous congress and which the recent congress reaffirmed, engaging the PCR-RCP to deploy “an intense propaganda effort throughout 2017 on issues raised on the occasion of the 100th Anniversary of the October Revolution.”

The discussion on these proposals revealed certain conceptions that are totally unworthy of a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist vanguard party devoted to the revolution: “The masses are not ready to hear about socialism; the mass line demands that they be reached primarily on the basis of the struggle for reforms and their immediate interests.” Or “Commemorating the centenary of the Winnipeg general strike in 1919 with mass revolutionary action will say nothing to them.” And even: “Launching central campaigns to commemorate this or that event is ‘commandism’; we need to let each cell autonomously decide how they will reach the masses according to their respective environment.” The right-opportunist clique relied on these backward arguments but fortunately didn’t succeed in preventing the adoption of the core of the proposals contained in or resulting from the report.

Among the strongest ideas contained in the political report, there was one in particular that runs counter to the conceptions of the opportunists. It is found in paragraph 41:

“Our plan is to develop the capacity of the Party to lead the masses through PPW. PPW is dependent on having a party that is adequate for this purpose. We have introduced the idea of a comprehensive party to represent the process of building the kind of party we need. Comprehensive here means a party that has all the necessary elements for leading the revolutionary war. But what are the elements necessary for having such a party? They are primarily ideological, theoretical, propagandist and practical capabilities. So the question is: how then can a party acquire these capabilities? The answer can only be by experimentation. Experimentation is the result of testing (applying in practice) along with the study of this testing. In other words, everything we accumulate—be they organizations able to lead the masses, propaganda capabilities, etc.—must be continually tested and validated in the class struggle.”

This way of thinking and of conceiving the party is clearly different from that found in the editorial of No. 9 of the Arsenal journal, signed by the CC and published last February, which, if it speaks well of the need for “comprehensive propaganda,” is far from upholding this same conception.

The second part of the political report (at paragraph 49 et seq.) is devoted to the presentation of a summary analysis of the national and international situation. It should be pointed out that the opportunists, who have their eyes turned to very specific situations in a particular environment, seemed to see little use for such work to the point where, as we have seen, they prevented and delayed its circulation to Party members.

The analysis of the conjuncture and the various elements presented in the last part of the report help to situate the activity of the party at the very heart of the class struggle and of the most important contradictions that characterize today’s world and the Canadian society in particular. Such analysis is needed to anchor the revolutionary strategy put forward by the PCR-RCP in a vibrant practice that could contribute to the accumulation of forces necessary for its realization. It reveals the many opportunities to be seized, including the possibility of breaking with the bourgeois state in the field of the class struggle, which makes it possible to envisage mass work and party building otherwise than as a long and painful process of “accompanying the masses”—a linear process similar to that upheld by the “leftist” priests who infantilize them under the pretext of avoiding any “commandism.”

That being said, the political report presented to the congress was far from complete and contained some weaknesses reflecting the (open or latent) line struggle that was already unfolding within the Party and its leadership. There is thus a definite confusion on the question of the Party’s “small movements,” which had already appeared in the debates that crystallized in two opposing lines. The report rightly noted that the development of these movements had not followed the pattern originally decided and that they had been structured in a very bureaucratic manner, in contravention of previous decisions. Nevertheless, it avoided the debate on what the Party initially conceived as the role of these movements—to be devices for a more effective deployment of the Party’s propaganda and activity among the broad masses—leaving the confusion around the notions of “mass and intermediate organizations” promoted by a very vocal member of the opportunist clique. Several texts later submitted in the context of the pre-congress debate by Montréal comrades have fortunately helped to dispel the fog maintained by the opportunists on these issues.

At the end of the day, as we already mentioned, most of the proposals to result from the report were adopted by the majority of delegates, which is to be emphasized since it can be read in a certain communiqué that the so-called “old-ideas clique” represents less than 15% of the Party’s membership!

Following the congress and in accordance with the Party’s bylaws, the Québec Organizational Bureau convened the Party’s District Conference to take note of congress decisions, adopt an action plan and set up the structure to ensure that these be implemented province-wide. (There is every indication that no conference of this sort has been held in other provinces, at least where the number of cells would justify it as in Ontario.) The fact that this conference and the action plan Québec members of the Party adopted (in line with the decisions of all previous PCR-RCP congresses including the most recent one) were repudiated and disavowed by the opportunist clique is proof that the “old ideas” with which it prides itself to have ‘broken’ with are in fact nothing other than the daring ideas and strategic conceptions that have defined the PCR-RCP as a Maoist revolutionary party and not as a new version of the old revisionist parties to which a “Maoist” varnish would have been added.

As to which point of view, which line and which practice(s) will actually allow us to advance along the path of revolution, this belongs and will belong to the revolutionary masses to judge. Let us hope that the publication of this political report, in addition to other texts and contributions, will promote this debate and its appropriation by as many people as possible.

* * *

1. The present congress is an opportunity to make an in-depth evaluation of all the activities related to the organization’s objectives. Recall that at the last congress, we set specific goals, both in regard to our general political preparation and in regard to the more specific need to renew part of our political leadership and to ensure the influence of our propaganda. Although the party has continued to progress as a whole, the fact remains, and this will be obvious from reading the organizational report, we are far from having achieved the expected results.

2. But, before getting to more serious matter, the Central Committee wishes to acknowledge the work done by the party activists. This multifaceted work of mobilization and organization of new forces and the effort to ensure that Maoism and the party line exist among the masses through initiatives, organizations and new type of movements are to be welcomed; these genuinely revolutionary movements will in time, thanks to a stubborn work and all times, be able to unify the anger of the masses.

3. Our progress, however limited, is a politically important fact. Indeed, one cannot doubt that in fighting against the bourgeoisie and in developing initiatives towards the broad most exploited masses and towards the proletariat in particular, we are anchoring sustainably at the same time the revolutionary perspective in the proletarian masses as we develop the future material basis of the socialist revolution in Canada.

4. Although we can rejoice of our progress, we must, however, note that we still poorly master our own development. In fact, for the present CC, the objective conditions are now present to enable a real and significant growth of our organization. So, it will be one of the tasks of the congress, probably the most important one, to properly assess all the activity of the Party since the last congress.

5. It is with this goal of making this assessment in mind that the Central Committee submits to debate this political report. Comrades have a responsibility to read it that is to seize these documents and discuss them collectively in meetings organized for this purpose. It is the opinion of the CC that these documents and the results of all the preparatory discussions going toward the congress (from local cells to the CC) will allow to correctly identify the main strengths of our organization (this in turn will provide support for our future work), but also to identify our main weaknesses that we have to seriously seek to overcome.

6. As you will see, this report follows the footsteps already laid down in our general plan. For the CC, this plan remains the most complete proposal ever adopted by our organization and it encapsulates the most advanced understanding of the strategy of the PPW applied to a modern imperialist country. Also, the CC considers that in many ways, our plan contains possibilities that have not yet been exploited. So we must understand that for the present CC, the struggle to apply and complete it remains the main issue on the agenda for the coming period.

7. In this regard, care must be taken before initiating the study of our achievements since our last congress; we must guard ourselves against two possible exaggerations: the first one would be to believe that our goals are too ambitious and therefore, try to remedy this by slowing our progress. The second exaggeration would amount to not assessing to their right importance our difficulties, particularly the general weakness of our political propaganda, weakness that gives space for subjectivism in our ranks.

8. Returning to our history, it is easy to find many examples of how our organization is still characterized by many weaknesses, especially our way of approaching problems that is still coloured by amateurship. However, with the adoption of our plan and subsequently the proposals that followed, we have collectively identified these shortcomings and laid the foundation for our transformation. Indeed, the adoption of this plan was the first step in initiating a serious push forward to clarify priorities and begin to correct our faults. But above all, this plan has given us a broad understanding of the party-building process and of the development of the PPW in the context of an imperialist country. Thereafter, the additional proposals allowed a clarification of this general understanding by developing our policy for its practical implementation.

9. With these developments, we had in our hands a general conception and the means to implement it across Canada. This in itself represents an invaluable victory for the future of socialist revolution in Canada. But as the last congress has shown, we had badly evaluated some of the tasks that resulted from our plan. Indeed, one can devise a plan as a system of organization and unification of labour, in the form of proposals that are consistent with each other. However, this is only one aspect of the plan; certainly, this is an important aspect, but to stay there is to forget that a plan itself requires a leading force that will be able to update it, to pave the way in ensuring its realization and to find solutions impeding the possible progressions.

10. To enable this leading force to exist, the Preparatory Committee of the last congress had identified three major problems (the problem of the leading group, that of vertical party building and the problem of propaganda) and proposed for each of these problems an appropriate fix.

Regarding the Central Committee

11. The problem of the leading group raises the fundamental need for revolution to happen in Canada to have a political and organizational leadership that is constantly up to realize the political tasks of the moment—that is to say a political leadership capable of creatively and effectively apply the decisions and capable of strengthening itself through the accumulated experience. According to the analysis that was put forward by the Preparatory Committee of the last congress—an analysis that the current CC shares—not only does an effective leadership turns goals into reality, but it contributes decisively to improve, develop and implement the party’s capabilities. Conversely, inadequate management delays the achievement of objectives, limits the growth of the party and allows continuing a number of problems that hinder its deployment.

12. The last congress supported the analysis of the Preparatory Committee and agreed that the party could not last long without changing the functioning of the central body. The central element being the necessity to form a first real “leading group” of the party, that is to say a new elected group, bringing together the best forces that the party can count on: a united leadership that would be grouped around MLM, the party programme, and fully engaged as a leadership to implement and update our plan.

[Editor’s note—We omit here a few paragraphs dealing with the decisions that were then taken to form a new leadership and the difficulties it faced in carrying out the mandates entrusted to it in a context marked by the abdication of responsibility of some former comrades.]

18. That an organization loses members is a fairly normal thing. Indeed, the characteristics of capitalism, in a country where imperialist oppression is more diffuse and where we find more numerous freedoms than in a dominated country for example, play heavily in the formation of counter-trends that may come to erode the revolutionary spirit. However, a strong political leadership must be able to offset these trends.

19. However, the fact that we cannot clearly explain why some members of the party and of its leadership in particular, have left their function and self-relieved themselves from their tasks illustrates something important that points to some of our weaknesses.

20. One of these weaknesses is the limited scope of our influence—a problem that is accentuated by the absence of a massive and lively revolutionary propaganda embracing all that is significative at the political, economic, social and cultural levels.

21. Without such large influence and propaganda, party activists find themselves ill-equipped to confront the problems of orientation and of political leadership. Indeed, each of us hesitates before participating in the struggle for fear of making a mistake. This difficulty to move raises the risk of developing an independent communist work that doesn’t exceed the level of a reflection-presence in the mass movement—that is to say, being a vocal representative of the movement while repeating platitudes, without actually introducing new ideas and pioneering practices.

22. Moreover, we must not neglect nor overstate state repression. This repression can have effects in deterring some comrades, especially those who aspire to come true within the system. The repeated attacks against the party by the repressive apparatus of the bourgeoisie and the adoption of various repressive laws (under the guise of the war on terrorism) certainly played a role in some departures from our organization. The next CC will have to produce an action plan to enable the organization to cope with this repression and to prepare members, supporters and sympathizers against the future attacks of the bourgeoisie.

23. That some leave, this is unfortunate. However, we can hope to compensate in the short term these losses and ultimately in the future to win over again these comrades. However, there are other comrades towards whom we must remain inflexible. Indeed, some comrades have not just cavalierly resigned from the party, but they now share an anti-party line publicly. The fact that comrades can switch so easily from MLM to a post-Maoist position, which is a step away from real revolutionary perspectives, illustrates the weakness of our internal propaganda (political). Because of this weakness, most significant political issues are poorly discussed. Without political support for our propaganda efforts, we are preventing ourselves from regularly validating our political unity. But, as Mao taught us, unity is relative and struggle absolute; this is true not only for ideas or the programme, but also when it comes to political line and practical political perspective.

24. In order to raise the political level in the party, the new CC will have to address this issue. In particular, by ensuring a stable release of a discussion and political analysis newsletter that will focus on the analysis of the economic situation, the developments of our political line, and explore some of our initiatives to enhance our capabilities of development. The frequency of this publication could be four times a year.

25. More generally, although the present CC agrees that a relatively small CC remains the best option for the current period, it will necessitate that the next CC be “politicized,” that it becomes political and that it deliberates politically. To do this, the CC will have to produce analysis of the economic situation (national and international) that will offer regular contributions to the overall leadership of the Party’s work.

On the “Vertical Building” of the Party

26. The CC elected at the last Congress tried to build a group of organizers able to take charge of the organizational development of the party, that is to assure our own organizational work and to initiate and maintain organized activities of propaganda and political education (study groups, cells, committees, etc.).

27. In fact, one of the things that worked well after the last Congress were the regional Organizational Bureau. The CC benefitted from regular reports on local activities and those of the movements, especially from Ontario. Having such a broad perspective on all our activities is precious and should be maintained and consolidated.

28. […]

29. To continue the work of vertically building the party organization, the next CC will have to adopt a communication plan allowing frequent, regular and secure communications among its members. In a country like Canada that is geographically extended, having autonomous OBs along with a strong system of centralization of information is crucial for developing and improving the party’s capacities. Positive results must be centralized, discussed and decentralized; negative results must be corrected.

About Propaganda

30. Initially, our plan stressed that the political propaganda was to be “the strongest block of our activity.” It is clear from the level of our propaganda that we are far from having made such progress in assembling the means for the establishment of a hegemonic apparatus capable of widely reaching the masses.

31. To develop our propaganda in line with the broad orientations of our plan, the last Congress decided to form the equivalent of a real “central propaganda team” fully dedicated to the production of the central party propaganda in all its forms. Now our propaganda has remained weak and tenuous and thereby, the public presence of the party has also weakened.

32. Considering that the last congress was entirely correct to emphasize the importance of propaganda and that it was supposed to be our main priority for a year, we must consider we have “dropped the ball” and that we must therefore regain the initiative. We must develop a propaganda that will update on a daily basis the proposals, analyzes and slogans of the party.

33. Our propaganda must become hegemonic and widely extended to the masses. Here, we may recall some of the conclusions that were reached in our previous congresses: “For the coming period, the slogan of fighting bourgeois ideas remains valid. Indeed, we must not forget that the party must struggle against other forces and trends that also seek to act and be recognized as so many political leaders of the masses. In this sense, our organization must not only bind to the masses, but it should stand politically and practically as a revolutionary political leadership facing a set of political parties and/or organizations that objectively behave like parties, deploying their slogans, their analysis, strategic and tactical devices to their respective political bases. In the present state of bourgeois democracy, the political leaders of the bourgeoisie have a near monopoly at the level of political base, which gives them a great capacity for influence.”

34. The Congress must ensure that the next Central Committee will have the resources to implement quickly the means of the redeployment of party propaganda under the direction decided in the last Congress.

Regarding the “Small Movements”

35. Our conception of what we call our “small movements” (RWM, RSM, PFF…) was developed in a previous Congress. The development of these movements has not been without problems. In particular, it seems that we are still confused about how to build them. Indeed, the Congress where we discussed our understanding of those movements clearly put the focus on the accumulation of experiences that would ultimately, through qualitative leaps, lead to greater organizational unity. It was assumed that initially, these movements (groups, activities, initiatives, etc.) would necessarily be heterogeneous, both politically and organizationally. Moreover, their degree of proximity to the party would be significantly different depending on the type of activity.

36. The danger with this approach was to be “different everywhere, but nowhere the same.” To overcome this danger, the party adopted two approaches: 1) to give the organizers the tasks of developing these small movements into strong, independent mass organizations, and developing a unified perspective, strategy and methods of work for these small movements as a means of providing political leadership from the party to the mass organizations without rushing things; 2) to make this work possible, to have developed a communist propaganda that can broadly interpellate the masses. Now, the work of political leadership is largely dependent on the fact that the masses become aware of the work of party members, of its proposals and guidelines. As Mao emphasized, to favour the link to the masses, we must make an appeal in their direction; we must address them broadly.

37. The experience accumulated until today is indicative of the problem raised by our difficulties in producing quality propaganda that is massively circulated. The most telling example is the influx of new comrades. Positively, these comrades enrich the party by bringing in new experiences. Negatively, they also tend to import in the party some of the ideas and practices of the spontaneous movement. On the one hand, the party line is enriched by the incorporation of new activists; on the other, the political line is diluted because it was not properly communicated to them.

38. The weakness or absence of our propaganda makes it harder and more bureaucratic the structuring of our movements. Because of the lack of influence of the communist point of view, we have a tendency to structure things from the top down and at a rushed pace. Yet these movements must unite on the basis of prior practices.

How to Overcome Our Current Problems

39. One can understand our difficulties by seeking to isolate each process we have initiated (e.g. propaganda on one side, small movements on the other, etc.): this is what is commonly called the analysis. But there is another way of looking at the difficulties, from the viewpoint of synthesis, the dialectic connection between things. This view from the “top” has the advantage of highlighting our activity as a whole—as a “totality”—and allows us to identify actions to take to correct our limitations.

40. The main pitfall to avoid is to turn back from our objectives; it would be a mistake to lose a year trying to correct things by isolating and separating each issue of our overall plan. It would actually be the worst way to go, as the history of the communist movement teaches us. Indeed, historically all major parties improved themselves amidst the struggle; this is part of the obligatory transition between ignorance and knowledge.

41. On the contrary, we must take the opposite road. Our plan is to develop the capacity of the Party to lead the masses through PPW. PPW is dependent on having a party that is adequate for this purpose. We have introduced the idea of a comprehensive party to represent the process of building the kind of party we need. Comprehensive here means a party that has all the necessary elements for leading the revolutionary war. But what are the elements necessary for having such a party? They are primarily ideological, theoretical, propagandist and practical capabilities. So the question is: how then can a party acquire these capabilities? The answer can only be by experimentation. Experimentation is the result of testing (applying in practice) along with the study of this testing. In other words, everything we accumulate—be they organizations able to lead the masses, propaganda capabilities, etc.—must be continually tested and validated in the class struggle.

42. Indeed, communists are people of action that seek to transform the state of things. In this process of transformation, experience plays a fundamental role. The political line gives members and organizations. These members and organizations struggle with the masses. These struggles generate experience and it is this experience that is transmitted. The experience is the starting point and the ending point of the dialectical unity of theory and practice. As Marx said in The Class Struggle in France, revolutionary progress occurs when the revolutionary forces conjure up an opponent they learn to fight and defeat.

43. To who would wonder where to start to get that kind of experience should be answered by taking in charge the objective forms of class struggle. Any political leadership exists or not depending on whether it takes charge or not of these objective forms.

44. According to the CC, our current difficulties are related to the fact of not having understood that there is a dynamic relationship between these objective forms, that is to say our propaganda is not living up to our initiatives and our initiatives are limited because of the lack of propaganda. This immediately sets the tasks of our propaganda: 1) ensure that the masses permanently recognize the party leadership; 2) echoing the guidelines and slogans necessary to the overthrow of capitalism. What gives unity in the taking in charge of the objective forms is the strategy of PPW. It should be noted that the existence of such propaganda across Canada presupposes a party that develops through struggles, able to lead the righteous anger of the masses; it requires that its activists are linked to the masses and able to initiate (in the sense of materializing) actions of ruptures with the capitalist system.

45. We must truly grasp the fact that revolutionary politics is an experimental science. In fact, in each country, the results of revolutionary strategy will vary, particularly because of the class composition, the level of the class struggle, the economic structure (types of production) and because of the specificities of the superstructure (politics, law and legislation, etc.) of the country. These differences bring us the obligation to adopt an experimental approach, namely one of a special effort, systematic and thorough to translate the general (strategy, tactics) into the particular, and in the context of our own experience, carefully studying and adopting a scientific approach (dialectical materialist) towards the forms and means by which class struggle develops in our country.

46. The impact of the global crisis of capitalism, the intensification of inter-imperialist rivalries, the fight against terrorism, the revolutionary struggle, etc. determine the current opportunities (for the bourgeoisie as for the proletariat) and the relationships and contradictions between them. We must therefore develop specific lines of action, apply them with creativity, determination and foresight. Furthermore, we must seek to extract maximum learning (in terms of policy, principles, guidelines, knowledge, etc.) that our initiatives have highlighted and use the results as a basis to launch new and higher form of initiatives. We must therefore learn to take initiatives, conduct struggles, and relaunch these initiatives and struggles.

47. Given the current situation, the CC believes that we will initiate a period of “restart” during which we will materialize and deploy our forces to consolidate our grasping of two of the objective forms that are the classical propaganda and the revolutionary action among the masses. To do this, the Party will wage a broad national campaign under the theme “Let’s Fight for Socialism and Our Claims” that will culminate around the period already scheduled in spring 2019 (centenary of the Winnipeg general strike). It is not enough to resist to the crisis of capitalism (thus looking behind us): we must first be “for” socialism (looking ahead). The mistake that many do is that they limit themselves to make a list of all the evils of capitalism, which in the long brings about fear, cynicism, habits and resignation. Communists must instead put forward the struggle for socialism, not as an abstract project, but by demonstrating that the conditions are met to get there (material project) and fight to create conditions in which the masses will fight to achieve (practical project).

48. The idea behind this campaign is to make intensive propaganda in favour of socialism in Canada. In the same way, we will introduce the Party and we will widely call on the masses. By speaking of socialism, we give a clear and revolutionary orientation to the masses. By speaking of our claims, we show that they can, for the biggest part, be integrated as part of the struggle for socialism. Here we fully apply the inside-outside dialectics. Indeed, communists are part of the proletariat; thereby, they share the same reality as the proletarian masses; in that sense, they are inside. However, communists distinguish themselves from the proletariat in the various struggles, and in that sense they are outside, to the extent that they put forward the independent and common interests of the proletariat as a whole (be it national or international) and they distinguish themselves from the fact that in all stages of the class struggle, they represent the interests of the proletariat as a whole.

The Historical Crisis of Capitalism

49. At the world level, capitalism has been experiencing for several years a period of chronic instability. This chronic instability takes the form of a long-term crisis, punctuated by periods of significant tension and short lulls. Also, it must be emphasized that this profound instability of the mode of production characterizes the present period of capitalism. Conversely, it is easy to see that the periods of embellishment are rare and especially that they are temporary.

50. In many imperialist countries, we see that the economic crisis is turning increasingly into political crises (numerous changes in the political personnel of the bourgeoisie) and cultural crises (collapse of bourgeois values). Now, as one can see, political crises increase the instability of the capitalist world by accelerating the disintegration of internal political regimes set up by the various national bourgeoisie in the period of expansion of capitalism (1945-1975). Moreover, these crises also shake the stability of international political relations by emphasizing the inter-imperialist rivalries.

51. In the present international situation, we must take into account the serious political and moral crisis, which crosses the entire capitalist system. Crises are inherent to the capitalist system, that is to say that capitalism has no way to escape or avoid them; they confirm the truth of Marxism that the economic crises accompanied the history of capitalism and will exist as long as private property and capitalist exploitation.

52. Capitalism is crossed by obvious and various manifestations of a sickness that is basically fatal. Here we are not talking, as the bourgeois economists would expect, of one of the numerous and recurring periods of short or medium periods of recession that mark the history of capitalism. Rather, it is a lasting phenomenon, which manifests itself in the world more or less steep in different countries and economic sectors.

53. The long-term crisis that crosses capitalism is a period of frenetic restructuring, where the success of some is counterbalanced by the ruin of others. Accordingly we should consider that bourgeois society always moves through the contradictory movements of its parts, in periods of growth and in periods of regression. So, it is important to understand in what sense the overall movement develops. This is true at the level of a particular capitalist country, but this also applies to the capitalist system as a whole.

54. The general crisis of capitalism stems from the nature of capitalism; we cannot avoid it or stop it without eliminating capitalism. Therefore, if we fail to eliminate capitalism, the crisis will continue its course, that is to say, it will continue to produce immense suffering among the proletariat and the masses and it will produce much worst.

55. Capitalism constantly destroyed a large amount of productive forces, first of which must be placed the thousands of men, women and children that die daily from the ravages of capitalism or that the crisis leaves on the sidewalks of major cities. Capitalism offers as a future to humanity nothing but the endless perspective of exploitation.

56. Imperialism is doomed to defeat. Indeed, although capitalism produces increasingly devastating effects, the crisis creates new conditions for the proletariat, led by a party dedicated completely to the revolution and the struggle for socialism, to take the power, establish socialism and begin the transition to communism.

57. Indeed, the crisis of capitalism opens a new phase of social upheaval, wars and revolutions. But at the same time, the crisis also puts the proletarian masses under the obligation to find new solutions for the defence of their interests. The crisis shakes the present forms of bourgeois rule while the bourgeoisie has nothing else to offer. In other words, the long-term crisis of capitalism parallels the emergence of a long-term revolutionary situation.

58. That capitalism is inevitably moving toward its ruin, we can see now the trace in the current political situation in the turmoil of today, in the struggles and revolutions, in the power relations within the proletariat, etc.

59. Although the power of the bourgeoisie is going through a period of instability and weakness, and though the crisis limits its capabilities, it would be wrong to believe that this power will collapse like a house of cards. Indeed, the political power of the bourgeoisie is the super structural expression of its economic role in society and therefore, as long as society remains a capitalist society, only the capitalist bourgeoisie is able to lead it politically.

60. The economic power of the bourgeoisie can only be replaced by another power and another leadership, and it is only in the context of the replacement of economic power that the overthrow of the political power of the bourgeoisie and its replacement by the proletarian power can be carried out.

61. Obviously, to properly address this historical period and to cash on all opportunities, we must build in the midst of struggle a party that is up to the tasks required by the situation and able to face them.

International Conjuncture

62. The current crisis is the most severe ever known by the capitalist world since World War II. The crisis causes the sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions, the sharpening of the contradiction between the oppressed peoples and nations and imperialism, and the sharpening of the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.

63. The bourgeoisie is trying by every means at its disposal to unload the consequences of this crisis on the working class, the working masses and the oppressed peoples, contributing to aggravate any of the major contradictions under capitalism.

64. In attacking the conditions of life and work of the proletariat and the working masses, the bourgeoisie aggravates the fundamental contradictions of our time: the contradiction between labour and capital. In fact, in attempting to again operate the capitalist continuous enrichment process, the bourgeoisie is generalizing the impoverishment of the proletariat, the working masses and oppressed peoples. Of course, this has effects in the advanced capitalist countries and in countries dominated by imperialism. In Canada, the immediate effect of the crisis is that the gap between the proletariat and the masses, on the one hand, and the bourgeoisie, on the other hand, tends to significantly widen.

65. At the global level, the crisis of capitalism exacerbates the war of extermination waged the imperialist bourgeoisie against the masses, which translates into millions of deaths from starvation, poverty, exploitation, wars, diseases, etc. These are millions of workers and peasants who suffer and die only for the retention of the capitalist system and the bourgeois rule.

66. The contradictions of the capitalist system are being increasingly transposed into the military field. The crisis sharpens the conflicts between imperialist groups and promotes the use of war as a tool to regulate relations between imperialist countries in order to open markets, to quell the revolt of the oppressed peoples and to prevent the rebirth of the communist movement. So it must be considered that all the interventions of imperialism, whether under the guise of humanitarian aid, the struggle against dictators, for freedom and democracy, etc. are imperialist wars of aggression, which is demonstrated by the fact that they are initiated and adopted by international organizations of capitalism (UN, NATO, etc.). Globally, the bourgeoisie systematically applies a state terrorism strategy. Now, state terror feeds religious terrorism, which in turn feeds reactionary populism.

67. The masses cannot live like before, and in their own way they resist spontaneously. To prevent this from turning into conscious and revolutionary mobilization, the bourgeoisie tries to prevent the masses to learn to assimilate and understand the lessons that the direct experience of the crisis brings, hoping to avoid that new organizations that escape its influence, emerge.

68. For the first time in human history, the general crisis of capitalism is combined with an environmental crisis. Capitalism by its nature must constantly increase the production and consumption. It has plundered the earth and changed the environment to satisfy the quest for profit of each individual capitalist. Pollution and environmental devastation have reached a level that threatens the survival of the human species and the planet. Capitalism offers no solution to the crisis. The only viable solution involves the establishment of socialism: a new system of social relations that is adapted to the needs of the masses, democratic, environmentally friendly, and suitable for today’s existing material and intellectual productive forces.

69. All the contradictions that capitalism contains converge and highlight the fact that only socialism, as the first step for a transition to communism, can ensure the survival and progress of humanity. Humanity today has all the material resources and all the knowledge needed to end the economic, political, moral, cultural and environmental crisis and to bring about new relationships between humans and between humans and nature, to establish new social relations and develop new productive relations.

70. In an international period of serious crisis in all areas, only a revolutionary political leadership may allow the emergence of a revolutionary, proletarian, popular, anti-imperialist movement. We say that the only right attitude for a revolutionary communist party is to boost the class struggle, the motor of history, here and now, and do everything that can be done to advance the revolution in one country; only this is in the interests of the world revolution.

Canada: An Imperialist Power

71. The internationalization of Canadian capital was the economic force behind Canada’s new political role on a global scale, which is shown by the role played by the latter to the UN, in international financial institutions and in the G7. The increased power of the Canadian state demonstrates that Canada is at the “periphery” of the main imperialist powers. It is the weakness of its military projection capability that prevents Canada to enter the top tier of the global system.

72. The growth and expansion of the Canadian capital gave impetus to the Free Trade Agreement between the United States and Canada (NAFTA), the latter being the logical consequence of the internationalization of capital of Canada that started in the 1960s and an illustration of its growing power.

73. The internationalization of capital has made Canada an important command and control centre of the world economy. In 2006, Canada was the ninth-largest source of direct investment abroad and the eleventh largest source of FDI (foreign direct investment). In 2004-2005, Canada was the host of 1,439 multinational companies that controlled 3,725 foreign subsidiaries employing 1,029,000 workers and bringing $385 billion in total sales of goods and services.

74. Canadian direct investment abroad is distributed across all capital circuits. In 2007, financial activities accounted for 48% of this investment, followed by energy and mining at 22%, manufacturing (11%), services and retail trade (13%), machinery and transport equipment (4%), and wood and paper (2%).

75. Also, Canadian direct investment abroad is distributed through various countries and regions of the global economy. In 2007, Canadian assets were being engaged for a total of 44% in the US, 26% in Europe, 18% in the Caribbean, 6% in Asia, 5% in Central and South America and 1% in Africa. This distribution corresponds to global trends in the internationalization of capital and also demonstrates that Canadian companies are not focused solely on the US market, but that they develop a comprehensive strategy for expansion and accumulation (e.g. with the free market agreements with Europe and Asia).

76. The global expansion of capital is evident in the investment relationship between Canada and peripheral countries. Indeed, there are important Canadian companies in countries such as Barbados, Chile, Guyana, Costa Rica, Trinidad and Tobago, Ecuador, Uruguay, Mexico, Panama, Honduras, Bolivia and Suriname, Argentina, Venezuela and Peru.

77. The investment relationship between Canada and the periphery is characterized by the typical imbalances of the capitalist system. Although Canada invests relatively little in the periphery, it relies on such investments for the profits they generate and the competitive advantages they provide vis-à-vis the United States and Europe.

78. In 2005, the share taken by foreign interest in Canadian assets and revenues was only 22% and 30% respectively. Also, the level reached by foreign ownership remains low by historical standards and compared positively to the situation in the G7 countries (for example, the rate is 49.7% for the German manufacturing sector, and 33% for the US and the European Union).

79. However, we should note that Canadian companies control a large majority of the most strategic assets: mining (87%), oil and gas (61%), utilities (93%), construction (95%), wholesale trade (63%), retail trade (79%), transportation and warehousing (74%), finance and insurance (85%).

National Conjuncture

80. Conjuncture refers to all the elements that constitute a situation, present, past or future that come into conjunction, creating a situation through their interaction. The study of the conjuncture highlights the dialectic dimension of things. In particular, conjuncture does not deal exclusively with economics, but its analysis must also consider the historical, the structural, the social-cultural-political as well as objective and subjective factors.

81. If apparently things are going “pretty good” in Canada, it is because bourgeois political economy tends to isolate things: Isolating the Canadian reality from global reality, isolating work from unemployment, isolating the progress of capital in such a region, etc. But it is forgotten that every jolt the global economy suffers will in turn affect each particular economy.

82. Although Canada remains a powerful imperialist country, the fact remains that the crisis has imposed on the Canadian bourgeoisie the obligation to restructure. During the reign of the Conservatives, it is oil development, which is found mainly in the West, that was favoured at the expense of the development of the manufacturing sector, mainly installed in the centre and east of the country. Naturally, this had the effect of increasing tensions between different factions of the Canadian bourgeoisie, especially between the faction of capital related to manufacturing production (mainly installed in Québec and Ontario) and that associated with oil production.

83. Highly integrated into the capitalist world market, the Canadian bourgeoisie had to adapt to the new global environment. By force of circumstances, the bourgeoisie had to leave the politics it held since the end of World War II, which actually shows its adaptability and its imperialist character, if it were still possible to doubt it.

84. Throughout the postwar period, marked by the significant development of capitalism and a continuous cycle of accumulation, the imperialist policy of Canada was characterized, in the context of Cold War, by the self-assigned mediating role played by the Canadian bourgeoisie in favour of the imperialist powers. This was facilitated by the fact that Canada, a secondary imperialist country, could stand on the world stage as a “friendly” country to the peoples of the Third World.

85. With the reversal of the economic cycle, marked by the decline of capitalism which began in the mid-1970s, Canada has gradually given up its mediating role and its stabilization policy in international relations, and following the collapse of the Eastern bloc, the bourgeoisie began reorienting its policy in order to play a greater role in the international financial system, relying for this on the strength of its banking system. In doing so, Canadian imperialism has come to occupy a far more important position politically than its real economic weight would normally justify.

86. In 2016, the Canadian economy ranked at the eleventh place in the world; a drop of one place as compared to 2014. Characteristic of developed imperialist countries, the structure of Canadian capitalism is divided between agriculture (1.6% of GDP), industries producing goods (28.9%) and services (60.5%). Therefore, like other advanced capitalist countries, Canada has a large service sector dominated by financial activities and good-producing sector dominated by processing activities. In particular, the country still relies on an advanced economic structure, which includes high-value and capital-intensive activities, particularly in the mining, energy, construction and processing. Besides, it is the industries related to the processing and finance that give the two largest contributions to GDP.

87. Given this economic structure, it is normal that Canadian imperialism is a major exporter of capital (finance) and raw materials (extraction and processing). Despite persistent problems, including chronic overproduction capacities, fluctuation in the value of the Canadian dollar, etc., Canada was still the ninth-largest exporter of goods in 2007, and the 12th largest by volume of export in 2012.

88. Note that the exported products include especially oil (19% of total exports); automobile (14.7%); means of production (7.6%); mining and precious metals (4.7%); electronic equipment (3.2%); plastics (3.1%); aircraft industry (3%); construction materials (2.9%); aluminum (2%); and paper (1.9%).

89. Driven for many years by the high price of natural resources and the demands of the international market, which partly explain the performance of Canada in the world economy, the Harper government but also various provincial governments adopted strategies to enhance the exploitation of natural resources as a vehicle for economic growth. Moreover, to make ensure the greatest exploitation of natural resources as possible, governments adopted amendments to environmental legislation, which in most cases have been in the direction of lowering the requirements made to the exploiting companies.

90. At the national level, politics that encouraged the development of the natural resources sector at the same time prevented the development of the manufacturing sector, already severely weakened by global competition, producing thereby important regional disparities. These disparities also fuel the contradictions between the various regional bourgeoisie.

91. Since imperialist Canada was built by dispossessing the territories of indigenous peoples, by exploiting local and immigrant labour, developing itself from the major financial centres, it is therefore normal to find today the effects of this development, including: the contradictions between monopoly capitalism and small capitalism; between factions of the bourgeoisie; between the capitalist state and the First Nations, Métis and Inuit; between capital and labour, etc.

92. It is the stability of Canadian imperialism that explains the historical dominance of the Liberal Party. Indeed, this party is the historical representative of the interests of monopoly capitalism and the major financial and industrial centres. It is the development of a free market in the world and development of oil production in a period marked by economic instability and the struggle against terrorism that gave momentum to a new section of the bourgeoisie, mainly located west of the country, which explains the recent emergence of the Conservative Party. And it is the obligation to reunite the different fractions of the bourgeoisie, in a period marked by world economic and political instability, which explains why Trudeau’s Liberals replaced the Conservatives.

93. There were more than 19 million workers in Canada in 2016, a vast majority of them (65%) being part of the proletariat. These figures show that the number of workers has almost doubled in 40 years. These indebted workers (the average level of debt is presently 162.6%), we find them as public employees (20.1%), as private sector employees (64.6%) and as self-employed (15.4%).

94. The organized labour movement in Canada is of absolute weakness. In fact, the relative strength of the labour movement (30.8% of union members in 2010, in decline since 1980, while the unionization rate was 38%) obscures the fact that only 17% of private sector workers are unionized. In other words, state employees provide the bulk of union membership, including health professionals and teachers. Conversely, the proletariat is for all practical purposes rejected outside the unions.

95. The rate of unionization in Canada in 2014 by business segment was as follows: 64.5% public services, 32% construction, 25.7% manufacturing, 16% primary industries (for a total of 27% for goods sector), public administration 72.4%, educational services 72,6%, health care and social assistance 54.7%, transportation and warehousing 38.2%, information, culture and recreation 25.4%, management of companies and administrative services 16.1%, commerce 13.4%, finance, insurance, real estate and leasing 9.3%, lodging and catering services 6.5%, professional, scientific and technical 5.4%, other services 10% (subtotal, 31.1% for services). Overall, unionization rate in Canada in 2014 was 30.4%.

96. The over-representation of labour aristocracy and petty bourgeois explains the evolution of unions following the outbursts and the proletarian and popular masses in the 1960s and 1970s. Following the 1980 crisis, the bourgeoisie regained control over the labour movement through special disciplinary laws that domesticated and eventually integrated the trade unions into the normal operations of capitalism. The class-collaborationist policies, the active participation of trade unions in social pacts, development of economic instruments on the model of capitalist investment firms have completed the transformation of the unions. The transformation of unionism has been so important that today we can consider that it has lost all the features needed—whether it be a fighting spirit or deep concern for the proletariat’s condition of existence—that could enable it, even within the limits of capitalism, to fight against the bosses’ claims (as demonstrated by the bourgeoisie’s recent attack on pensions), let alone make gain for workers.

97. During the period of capitalist expansion, a layer of the working class was able to take advantage of the domestication of the class struggle. Indeed, until the early 1980s, the majority of companies profited and were able to produce surplus that some of the workers could earn while simultaneously leading some struggle within regulated unionism. Subsequently, the crisis of capitalism which began in the mid 1970s and the gradual rise of new competitors on the international economic scene have contributed to weakening these Canadian and North American companies; companies which are less able to distribute such surplus. Several of these companies even had to merge and automate to compete internationally, which resulted in massive lay-offs and opportunity for smaller companies to go look for a low-cost workforce. The development of outsourcing has been used by capitalists to encourage further disunity among the workers.

98. While the unions have lost their combative reflexes of the prewar period and limited their combativeness only to expectation of earnings of surplus gain in economic growth, this new situation made it difficult to organize a militant response. The dominant line of the labour movement is to stand up for these gains, limit job losses and demand government action to replace the affected workers. Ultimately, the labour movement has invested in these measures to justify its existence despite its capitulation. It increased its involvement in pension funds and justified this as a way to support the economy and job creation. Instead of defending workers against capitalism, unionism has entered fully into capitalism.

99. That said, the organized labour movement represents only a minority of all proletarians in Canada and this is the part that is the most engaged in class collaboration. Moreover, those who speak on behalf of this minority hesitate between two main directions: stick to the reformist parties (NDP, Québec Solidaire, etc.) or follow a centrist line that is to stand out in words but remain associated in practice to the reformist organizations.

100. The revolutionary forces thus find in contemporary unionism a device built to prevent the development of struggles outside the framework allowed by capitalism. Whatever the assessment that we can make of the unions, what we must remember is that the communist party must work in the proletariat starting from the forces that have a greater closeness with it, that is the most exploited of proletarians.

101. Officially, in 2011 there were about 1,400,685 native people within Canada. They represented 3.8% of the total population in the 2006 census (compared to 3.3% in 2001 and 2.8% in 1996); the native population now represents 4.3% of all Canadians. Their demographic weight increased by 232,385 people, or 20.1% between 2006 and 2011, compared with a growth of 5.2% for the non-native population.

102. Of the 637,660 First Nation members who reported being “Indians” (according to the Canadian racist law), nearly half (49%) lived in a reserve or Indian settlement. This varied across the country. In Québec, nearly three quarters (72%) of First Nations members having a registered Indian status were living on reserve, the highest proportion among the provinces. New Brunswick (69%) and Nova Scotia (68%) follow. In Ontario, 37% of First Nations having Indian status live on a reserve, the second lowest among the provinces after that of Newfoundland and Labrador with 35%.

103. Indigenous peoples have suffered and are still suffering from systemic discrimination that fully reflects the deep-rooted racism of Canadian imperialism. Moreover, the proletarianization of indigenous peoples, and conversely, their resistance is a major concern for the government and informs the government’s policy towards them. Indeed, reserves were held to accomplish this forced integration and are still considered by the government as a pool for cheap labour.

104. The integration of the Native peoples into the market is an important matter for the Canadian government, for it is through this integration that will enable it to develop new resources at the service of capitalist industry. While the government presents these efforts in terms of “economic development” promoting the “autonomy” of First Nations, Métis and Inuit, the fact is that the “economic development” of indigenous communities is based on the outright denial of their self-determination.

105. Naturally, exploitation and degradation of natural resources are essential for the social, cultural and economic sustainability of Canadian capitalism and will, like the forced integration of indigenous communities in capitalist relations of production and exploitation, be met with resistance. Moreover, large segments of the indigenous population continue to resist their full absorption into capitalist relations. The continued resistance of indigenous peoples against market relations and capitalist development on indigenous territories are closely linked and come together in the struggle for autonomy and self-determination, a struggle which also marks the limits of capitalist expansion in Canada.

106. The current situation offers many examples of tensions between ambitious capitalism development and the will for self-determination of indigenous peoples. For example, mining, a very important sector of the Canadian economy representing approximately 4% of its GDP, aptly illustrates the conflict between Canadian capitalism and the First Nation, Métis and Inuit peoples. That said, mining is only one of these areas where conflicts exist; one could equally give examples in the areas of timber, fisheries, etc. In addition, the requirements of the transportation of resources exploited by the capitalists confront the self-determination of the Native people.

107. During the last decade, mining companies have expanded their operations to regions of the country where capitalist development is still weak. The exploration of such region has increased in the north, in British Columbia, in the northern part of the Prairie provinces, Ontario, Québec, Yukon, Nunavut and the Northwest Territories.

108. At a global level, Canada is now one of the top destinations for capitalist resource exploration. For example, the Northwest Territories, Ontario, Québec and Nunavut have attracted a great deal of investment in exploration in recent years. In fact, Canada has the largest concentration of mining companies in the world, with interests in more than 3,700 companies.

109. The extractive industries are geographically developed in Canada, which is why indigenous lands and indigenous labour power have become absolutely essential to the success of the mining industry. Moreover, the Mining Association of Canada noted in 1998 that mining activities are carried out in northern and remote areas of the country where the main population is indigenous. In 2004, Natural Resources Canada reported that approximately 1,200 Aboriginal communities were located within 200 kilometres of an operating mine.

110. The location of the majority of mining operations is an important issue, because the will to control the territory generates conflict between capitalism and indigenous peoples. Capitalism affirms its determination to dispossess indigenous nations seeking to control the territory; in counterparts, the indigenous peoples seek rather to oppose mining projects that will cause environmental damage to traditional lands and livelihoods of communities.

111. In order to accumulate profit, control over land is at stake for the Canadian bourgeoisie. But the location of mines is also very important in a context where the mining industry is facing a labour shortage; therefore, the indigenous workforce is a necessity not only for mining but for different branches of industry as well.

112. The mining industry and the government have developed a strategy to sell the ‘benefits’ of mining and wage labour to the Native peoples, presenting these as opportunities to develop a strong economic base in communities, thus feigning concern for their interests. Predictably, this strategy was met with limited success, forcing the mining industry, capital and the state to engage in more concerted measures to ensure the expansion of capitalist relations in the North.

113. In addition, over the past 15 years, the citizens and government circles has been concerned about any weakening of Canadian sovereignty over “the north of the North” (the Arctic territories). It is estimated that 40% of Canadian reserves of natural gas and oil are located in this area. Moreover, with the thawing of some ice shelves, the passage of the Northwest is destined to become a privileged channel of economic and maritime traffic for mega tankers and cargo worldwide. In fact, since 2007, the transition has already become temporarily passable.

Bourgeois Politics

114. Although the last election brought no substantial changes to the social, economic and political condition of the Canadian masses, it is still useful to dwell on it for a moment as it allows us to highlight certain changes and trends in the current bourgeois politics. In particular, what the results of the last federal election suggest is, of course, the resurgence of bipartisanship. In fact, bipartisanship is the normal mode of functioning of the Canadian capitalist state. And, although it is possible that parliament can sometimes escape the logic of bipartisanship, especially in times of crisis when the economic and social situation is changing, these are exceptions rather than the norm. In fact, Canadian federalism has been designed and built, and that from the outset, in the interests of the two main factions of the Canadian bourgeoisie, alternately represented by the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party.

115. Faced with the obligation of having to change the state executive staff, the bourgeoisie found itself having to deal with several constraints, the most important of which was undoubtedly the perceived weakness of the Liberals. Indeed, as a fact, the bourgeoisie will always seek to adopt the most able forms to maintain the stability of its institutions in order to exert its dominance over the whole of society, that is to say, in this case a “majority” government. We then understand why the bourgeoisie seriously considered early in the season to support the NDP. However, it appeared that as the campaign progressed, the Liberal Party seemed to demonstrate all the qualities needed to represent the interests of capital and became thereby a plausible alternative to replace the Conservatives. Or precisely, the Liberal Party is the natural party of the Canadian bourgeoisie, that is to say the party best able to hold together the different interests of the different fractions of the bourgeoisie, and that’s why the bourgeoisie finally chooses them.

116. Some critics have tried to explain the dramatic fall of the NDP by seeking to demonstrate that the New Democratic Party made the mistake of adopting a centrist platform and therefore not enough to the left, according to them. According to these critics, it is the adoption and implementation of this orientation that allowed the Liberal Party to win the “progressive” votes, which normally should have been accruing to the NDP. These critics are wrong. Indeed, with its political platform, with a leader that cannot be mistaken for a socialist ‘tribune,’ with its ‘respectable’ economists putting forward reasonable proposals for the management of Canadian capitalism and giving the party its entries into the bourgeoisie, never was the NDP able to gather before the last election as many elements enabling it to legitimately aspire to become the official lackey of the bourgeoisie. Indeed, the failure of Mulcair means in the short term that it is unlikely that the NDP may represent a credible alternative. Moreover, to be able to become a serious alternative, it is likely that the NDP will continue its movement toward the centre of the political spectrum, even at the cost of becoming a clone of the Liberal Party.

117. Unfortunately, the election gangrene did spread into the First Nations. Indeed, earned by the “election fever,” some First Nations leaders explicitly called on members of their community to participate in the electoral farce and vote. Fortunately, this trend was limited and indigenous peoples know how to get rid of these comprador elements.

118. For now, the Trudeau government seems to have abandoned conservative fiscal policy while maintaining some of their other achievements. Trudeau endorsed the Canada-EU trade agreement negotiated by his predecessor, Stephen Harper, and signed the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a trade agreement among 12 Pacific countries. The Liberals have kept their promise to cut taxes for the “middle class,” while slightly raising the tax rate of the top earners. The budget has not raised the corporate tax rate, which remains comparable to those of Canada’s major competitors. The aim seems to be to maintain Canada’s commitment to globalization, but to give it a human face.

For a Socialist Canada

119. As can be seen, for the bourgeoisie, the imperialist development of Canada, past and present, is dependent on the success of three policies: 1) at the worldwide level, to participate in the shared plundering of the world; 2) at the national level, by exploiting the working class at the maximum; 3) dispossessing and plundering as much as possible for its own advantage the indigenous territories.

120. In the conditions of Canada where socialist revolution and national liberation struggle are forced to enter into relationship with one another, the scientific control of the situation is reflected in a revolutionary strategy that can both hold the peculiarities of these two forms, strengthen and, to the extent possible, unify them. In this context, the question of territory is important. Liberating the territories from the capitalist exploiters and their system is at the junction of these two movements.

121. What has the long-term crisis changed? The main effect of the crisis of capitalism is that it erodes all the complex scaffolding set up by the imperialist bourgeoisie after World War II to maintain its domination over the masses and face the communist movement. What ensures the strength of the scaffold on which the Canadian capitalism stands are the five politics of capital, namely: 1) The cultural alienation policy, that is the policy to keep the masses in a state of cultural backwardness, notably by preventing them access to science; 2) The political concessions policy, that is to say, the policy to satisfy certain demands from the masses while at the same time imprisoning individual proletarian in a web lock of financial constraints (loans, mortgages, bills, etc.); 3) The integration to bourgeois democracy policy, which aims to encourage mass participation into its politics (i.e. to promote participation in institutions of class collaboration, particularly the elections, while ensuring to maintain the masses in a state of political and ideological subordination to the bourgeoisie, i.e. of the bourgeois parties); 4) The policy of the paddock, that is to say, the policy to impede the autonomous organization of the masses while promoting organizations that have the confidence of the bourgeoisie; 5) finally, there is the policy of preventive counter-revolution, which aims to ensure control of the bourgeoisie over the masses without being placed under the obligation to suppress large scale, including through bribery, intimidation and selective removal of forces that could organize the masses, especially the Communists. These five “politics” have allowed capitalism to ensure stability.

122. However, as the crisis grows and manifests itself in various forms, these policies are becoming gradually inoperative, at least without major changes. For example, the bourgeoisie is now unable to make significant concessions to the masses; therefore, it is the financial constraints that become principal. But, since a growing part of the masses can no longer pay mortgages, bills, etc., this policy therefore escapes gradually the bourgeoisie’s control. Moreover, the austerity measures and attacks against the proletariat and the masses contribute to eroding the scaffolding, which is manifested by a continued decline (despite some bursts) of participation in elections. Furthermore, by adopting an arsenal of laws against terrorism and the “radicalization,” the bourgeoisie is itself undermining its own policy. Indeed, instead of neutralizing the only potential forces of revolution by seeking to isolate these forces, the bourgeoisie suppresses the broad masses (proletarians, students, Natives, environmentalists, Muslim people, etc.); by doing this, it helps to bind the Communists to the broad masses.

The revolutionary movement must stand and unite through protracted revolutionary struggle

123. From the outset, the camp of the revolution must oppose the forces of capitalism and the forces sold to the capital like the reformist-electoralist-parliamentary forces.

124. In doing so, we must 1) refuse to participate in the institutions of bourgeois society; 2) reject the forms of political action that are built by the power of the bourgeoisie; and 3) refuse to keep ourselves within the limits set by the bourgeoisie to our action, that is to say, to refuse the discipline imposed by bourgeois law.

125. If from the outset, the natural means of political participation in bourgeois society are ‘closed’ to us, then in order to be coherent and consistent we must make a break with all practices that would lead us there, that is to say, practices that would immobilize the revolutionary struggle—this is our negative task. Conversely, we must thereby fight in order for new battles to be carried out and that new practices emerge; these are the first steps we need to do to become the real movement which abolishes the present state of affairs—this is our positive task.

126. We want to gain experience. Experience is a material thing, it results as we have indicated before in activists and organizations, battles, etc.; it is the experience that we acquire in the actual struggle, when controlled, which ensures the continuity of the movement to struggle for the abolition of capitalism.

127. To develop a strong ideological-political initiative: that is in summary our perspective. Initiative is the seen, the understanding and the action of the forces of revolution while the ideological is its political content. It is the scientific control of the conditions of the struggle through the real and autonomous activity of the party, its organizations and activists and revolutionaries to the masses and with the masses, against capital and its forces.

128. A genuine revolutionary party develops through the living application of its political line, consciously assuming the transition between a party with limited capacity that will transform into a comprehensive party that has accumulated experience and has a strong connection with the masses. In developing, the revolutionary party converts its political force, that is to say its activists, its fronts, its organizations, its link with the masses, etc., in political power, that is to say, initiatives, campaigns and battles.

129. Becoming a political power and having the scientific knowledge of the conditions of the struggle requires first mastering not just one specific struggle, but all objective forms of revolutionary struggle. In this sense, we must invest not only in the political education and propaganda, but also in revolutionary action within the masses. We should not only be interested in the immediate struggles of the masses; we need, from these struggles, to prepare the revolutionary struggle. It is by mastering the objective forms of revolutionary struggle and organizing numerous masses that the very activity of the revolutionary party allows it to complete itself. In the end, this process from an incomplete party to a complete one can only be done through the revolutionary struggle with the masses against the bourgeois order.

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